Sunday, January 22, 2017

How Education Is Failing Rural America

COMMENTARY

How Education Is Failing Rural America

No, low educational attainment isn’t why Trump won

In the months between the November election and the inauguration of President-elect Donald Trump, it has become clear to many that something is happening in this country that the media and pollsters missed. The post-mortem media coverage of this election has been about lots of things: racism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, and political correctness. But this coverage has also delved into the key issues missed in the preceding months: the critical importance of education and rural America.
Demographic data from exit polls indicated the 2016 electorate was fundamentally different from those of the past two decades. Nationwide, rural voters make up less than 20 percent of the electorate. Yet in this election, unusually high numbers of white, working-class rural voters turned out in the Rust Belt and Midwest, upending Hillary Clinton's perceived "firewall" of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania in favor of Trump.
How Education Is Failing Rural America: In rural communities, education is an engine of exodus rather than economic development, write Catharine Biddle and Daniella Hall.
—Getty
Much has been made of the low educational attainment of rural Trump supporters. Many even view it as the source of support for Trump. Education, as a result, has been touted as the solution to perceptions of an uninformed citizenry by many who look to public schooling as the great hope of our democracy. From their perspective, education is an opportunity to invite young people to cherish the values and skills that will make a democracy thrive, including an appreciation of diversity, the ability to listen, the vocabulary to articulate one's own viewpoint, and the confidence to voice one's opinion.
However, we argue the exit polls from the election implicate education as part of a problem in our divided country. In short, the results demonstrate evidence of a country uninterested in addressing the fundamental co-optation of schooling in rural America in the service of the global economy, rather than in building local capacity and well-being.
When young people in rural places finish high school, their options are often simple: stay and work in whatever industry or business is locally available, or leave to pursue higher education or other types of work. For generations, when manufacturing supported entire communities, logging and fishing industries boomed, and family farming dominated the landscape, young people had multiple opportunities to stay in their thriving rural communities. Students who were able to go to college might return, if they chose, to open small businesses or work in upper management. However, as the economic vitality of these communities has slowly—or in some cases, quite abruptly—declined, the opportunities for educated young people to return to their communities has also declined.
"Rural public schools have simply become engines of exodus."
The result is that instead of providing a pathway for youths to go out of their communities and potentially return with a knowledge base of new experiences, rural public schools have simply become engines of exodus, educating students for labor markets and communities located elsewhere. Educated young people, for the most part, leave rural places and, even if they want to, cannot return. The phenomenon is so common that it has a name: rural brain drain.
Research suggests that many rural young people with the means to go experience great ambivalence about the decision to go to college. And it is the students who cannot pursue further education who remain to cobble together work in local economies where full-time, living-wage work is often difficult to find.
Therein lies the paradox. One might argue that if schools can provide college and career readiness for all—the rallying cry of contemporary educational reform—then the rural student can be prepared for whatever opportunities are available in our changing global economy. But fewer and fewer of those opportunities are located in rural places. And the opportunities that do exist in rural places may not require any education at all.
A college degree in rural America is now synonymous with leaving and having no way to sustainably come back. "We spend a lot of money to educate our kids, and then they move elsewhere," one rural leader told us. "The joke is, 'We dare you to make a living here.'"
And yet, there are solutions, beginning with greater attention to and investment in rural America.
MORE OPINION


Many researchers in rural education argue that rural schools themselves can be drivers of economic development. Entrepreneurial thinking by educational leaders at the state, school, and district levels can lead to greater opportunities for schools and communities to collaborate on attracting families, retooling local economies, and providing needed skills development to community members.
There is no doubt that citizenship education is important. But where will our newly trained citizens go, having gained an understanding of how to live in concert with others? It is critical that schools work with rural communities, rather than seeing themselves as separate from the cycle of economic decline. Therefore, citizenship education in rural places must teach rural youths to share their voices outside of the voting booth and speak back to policymakers too willing to overlook the ways in which rural communities have been short-changed for decades.
Educational policy continues to remain insensitive to the unique relationships between schooling and community well-being in different contexts. The geographic distribution of educational opportunity remains inequitable—and the great lesson of this election is that we cannot afford to ignore these realities anymore.
Vol. 36, Issue 18, Pages 22-23

Friday, November 4, 2016

Thursday, November 3, 2016

These states are spending less on education now than before the Great Recession - The Washington Post


These states are spending less on education now than before the Great Recession - The Washington Post

Tuesday, October 25, 2016

Black Children Deserve the Stability That Neighborhood Schools Offer, Andre Perry

Black Children Deserve the Stability That Neighborhood Schools Offer, Andre Perry


Black Folk Hate White Tears and Blatant Racism More Than Charter Schools, Andre Perry

Black Folk Hate White Tears and Blatant Racism More Than Charter Schools, Andre Perry

To the chagrin of charter advocates, on Friday the national board of the NAACP ratified an earlier resolution (pdf) that called for a moratorium on charter schools.
Given the ample sources of opposition to charter schools, as well as mixed results, we should only be surprised that it’s taken this long for a major black civil rights organization to officially rebuke the sector.
Leading up to the ratification, the charter lobby, which has felt put upon in recent weeks, dished out heaping doses of power in a thinly veiled attempt to rally the charter community. There was a letter-writing campaign (pdf) among black leaders, numerous editorials and the deployment of paid bloggers to attack the NAACP. The charter sector also got cold shoulders from the Movement for Black Lives and even presidential front-runner Hillary Clinton, among others.
“Charters work” was the rallying cry to stop the NAACP from ratifying the moratorium. But for many charter schools to work, they have (unnecessarily) taken away voting and other political rights, removed attendance zones, categorically fired teachers—black teachers—and turned a blind eye to harmful voucher programs that flood the market with bad private schools. Charter schools in Ohio and Michigan have pushed entire states backward.
Be clear: Charter schools have never been the problem for black communities that steamrolling black people, our organizations and our voices has been. The charter lobby’s response to the NAACP’s call for a moratorium on charter schools reveals what powerful white organizations will do to black people in order to get what they want. But the moratorium offered goals that black people need.
In its released statement, the NAACP listed its conditions for lifting its moratorium:
  1. Charter schools are subject to the same transparency and accountability standards as public schools;
  2. Public funds are not diverted to charter schools at the expense of the public school system;
  3. Charter schools cease expelling students that public schools have a duty to educate; and
  4. Cease to perpetuate de facto segregation of the highest-performing children from those whose aspirations may be high, but whose talents are not yet as obvious.
The NAACP has good reason to not want charter schools, despite the long trail of white tears that says differently.
For those who are unfamiliar with the term, I refer you to Very Smart Brothas’ definition:
“White tears” is a phrase to describe what happens when certain types of white people either complain about a nonexistent racial injustice or are upset by a nonwhite person’s success at the expense of a white person. It encompasses (and makes fun of) the performative struggle to acknowledge the existence of white privilege, and the reality that it ain’t always gonna go unchecked.
No national study can say that charter schools are a slam dunk for any community. Every major national study can only make the claim that charter schools are successful in particular situations. The most favorable report, CREDO’s national school study (pdf), which charter advocates wave as the strongest evidence, found modest but significant gains in reading and that charters are on par with traditional public schools. Almost every major study concludes that charter schools, on average, do as well as traditional schools, not better.
This only proves that there is more to this full-frontal push to disinvest from traditional schools than so-called education reformers would have black people believe. And when black people shed white tears, the black community loses.
The weighty and heavily financed attack on the NAACP waged by the charter lobby reminds residents of New Orleans, Philadelphia, Chicago, Los Angeles and other reform cities that charter advocates will try to overwhelm anyone who simply disagrees. And this is where the charter community has lost its way. Instead of charters being a source of innovation as the early rhetoric pronounced, charters have become wrecking balls to any dissent.
For the sake of charter expansion, advocates are willing to create policy hurricanes to do to the educational infrastructure in cities exactly what Katrina did to New Orleans.
Believe it or not, the black community is diverse enough to have differing opinions on something as controversial as charter schools. But our differing opinions should not set the stage for disingenuous white-shaming. However, that’s what many black reformers built in their criticisms of the NAACP.
If for nothing else, applaud the NAACP’s check of white privilege. Because the charter community did not deliver its own moratoriums in cities like Detroit, it left no choice but for a social-justice organization to do so. The barrage leveled against the black civil rights organization’s decision shows how the sector treats black leaders, districts and decisions when the charter lobby doesn’t get its way.
We’ve grown accustomed to the charter-community tactic of shaming black folk, including the shameful, defamatory posts that facilitated attempts to discredit the organization that delivered Brown v. Boardand other major policy advancements.
By issuing the moratorium, the NAACP didn’t get the victory it’s looking for. That will come when the charter community meets the demands of the moratorium. In the meantime, our community should never allow white tears to drown out black voices.
Andre Perry, Ph.D., is the former founding dean of urban education at Davenport University in Grand Rapids, Mich. Previously, Perry served as CEO of the Capital One-University of New Orleans Charter Network.