"The very best thing you can be in life is a teacher, provided that you are crazy in love with what you teach, and that your classes consist of eighteen students or fewer. Classes of eighteen students or fewer are a family, and feel and act like one." Kurt Vonnegut
Wednesday, November 27, 2019
Thread by @James_S_Murphy: SAT
Thread by @James_S_Murphy: "The latest WSJ journal piece about the SAT is the usual sloppy mess (what on earth is an adjusted SAT score?) but how a high school's average SAT score correlates with socioeconomic advantage powerfully knocks down the myth […]"
Tuesday, November 26, 2019
Teacher Effects on Student Achievement and Height: A Cautionary Tale
Teacher Effects on Student Achievement and Height: A Cautionary Tale
Marianne Bitler, Sean Corcoran, Thurston Domina, Emily Penner
NBER Working Paper No. 26480
Issued in November 2019
NBER Program(s):Program on Children, Economics of Education Program
Issued in November 2019
NBER Program(s):Program on Children, Economics of Education Program
Estimates of teacher “value-added” suggest teachers vary substantially in their ability to promote student learning. Prompted by this finding, many states and school districts have adopted value-added measures as indicators of teacher job performance. In this paper, we conduct a new test of the validity of value-added models. Using administrative student data from New York City, we apply commonly estimated value-added models to an outcome teachers cannot plausibly affect: student height. We find the standard deviation of teacher effects on height is nearly as large as that for math and reading achievement, raising obvious questions about validity. Subsequent analysis finds these “effects” are largely spurious variation (noise), rather than bias resulting from sorting on unobserved factors related to achievement. Given the difficulty of differentiating signal from noise in real-world teacher effect estimates, this paper serves as a cautionary tale for their use in practice.
Monday, November 25, 2019
Historic Lynching and Corporal Punishment in Contemporary Southern Schools Geoff Ward, Nick Petersen, Aaron Kupchik, and James Pratt
Historic Lynching and Corporal Punishment in Contemporary Southern Schools, Geoff Ward, Nick Petersen, Aaron Kupchik, and James Pratt
Sunday, November 10, 2019
Friday, November 8, 2019
Most School Shooters Showed Many Warning Signs, Secret Service Report Finds
Most School Shooters Showed Many Warning Signs, Secret Service Report Finds
—Melissa Golden/Redux for Education Week-File
November 7, 2019
Most of the violent attacks in schools over the past decade were committed by students who telegraphed their intentions beforehand—and could have been prevented, a new report from the U.S. Secret Service concludes.
Most of those students were motivated by a specific grievance, and every single one was experiencing extreme stress. But there remains significant variation among the perpetrators, and schools should use a comprehensive analysis to detect true threats rather than trying to profile students, the report says.
The report, released Nov. 7 by the Secret Service’s National Threat Assessment Center, analyzes 41 violent incidents in schools between 2008 and 2017. The devastating school shootings in 2018 in Parkland, Fla., and Santa Fe, Texas, helped prompt the study, but were not included in the report.
The analysis generally confirms the conclusions of the agency’s influential 2002 publication on school safety, which said checklists of characteristics supposedly common to school shooters were not helpful in preventing violence.
Instead, that earlier study popularized the idea of threat assessment, in which teams of educators, administrators, counselors, and school resource officers compile academic, behavioral, and other evidence to decide whether a student who’s made a threat is acting out or actually poses one.
“The implications for schools seems to be the same,” including using those teams to triage threats, said Anthony Petrosino, a school safety expert and director of the WestEd Justice & Prevention Research Center. Schools should also consider broader strategies such as trying to connect every youth to at least one caring adult in the school, he added.
Still, some areas of emphasis in the report differ from the past—most notably its attention to the attackers’ social and emotional health.
The analysis comes as school safety remains a top issue for school districts—and a contested one. Many districts have struggled with two, often competing philosophies: one, to “harden” schools through physical measures and school police, which nearly half of all schools now employ; or two, to invest in efforts to improve school climate, such as through restorative justice programs favored by civil rights groups who note that discipline policies and the presence of school police too often lead to the disproportionate punishment of black students and students with disabilities.
On that tension, the report effectively punts: “Schools should implement a threat assessment process in conjunction with the most appropriate physical security measures as determined by the school and its communities,” it states.
Ryan Petty, whose daughter Alaina was killed in the Parkland shooting, said he hoped the report could help bridge those debates.
It’s not about figuring out, ‘Boy this student is a threat, let’s get law enforcement involved,’ he said. “That’s the perception a lot of educators have and it couldn’t be farther from the truth.”
Social and Mental Factors
Here are some of the report’s key findings:
- Secondary schools were the most frequently targeted. Just 2 percent of the incidents occurred at elementary schools, while 75 percent occurred at high schools.
- Attackers were usually white and they were overwhelmingly male. Mirroring the characteristics of U.S. mass shootings in general, 83 percent of the school attacks were carried out by males and 62 percent of the attackers were white.
- Police presence varied. Nearly half of the schools with incidents employed at least one full-time school resource officer.
- Guns were the most often used weapon. In what’s sure to add fuel to the gun-violence debate, of the 25 attacks involving firearms, 19 of the attackers obtained firearms from the home of a parent or relative. Nearly all the other attackers used knives.
- Most attackers had a grievance. At 83 percent, grievances were the perpetrators’ most common motivation, usually against peers. Forty one percent were suicidal, and 37 percent had a desire to kill. (Attackers had multiple motivations.)
- Many attackers had a plan. Half the attackers engaged in observable planning of their attacks, like researching weapons, documenting their plans, trying to recruit others, or packing a bag with weapons.
An eye-opening section of the report likely to kick up debate also details the combination of social, emotional, and behavioral factors that may have been linked to the attacks.
At least 40 percent of perpetrators had a mental-health diagnosis; 54 percent had received some kind of mental-health treatment; 80 percent had been bullied; and all but two came from homes with adverse childhood experiences, such as an incarcerated parent, abuse, or financial difficulty.
And every single attacker had faced high levels of stress from social, family, or academic problems. Almost three-quarters also had been disciplined at school within five years of the attack.
Those issues will resonate in the wake of the massacre at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland. Some families of the slain students there have blamed the tragedy in part on the district’s alleged failure to act on a record of the shooter’s mental-health problems, and its decision to put him in a program meant as an alternative to suspension and expulsion.
No Guarantee
The report also noted that four attackers had been referred to their school’s threat-assessment team, three of them within a year of the incident. In some cases, the team didn’t review all the available data, and in one case, a team considered a student low risk despite several troubling pieces of data.
That’s a good reminder that risk-mitigation approaches shown to be effective, like threat assessment, aren’t foolproof, and they depend on good implementation to work.
Petty said threat assessments teams need to be meeting regularly. That way they can be comfortable with each other, with the threat assessment process, and be willing to share pieces of relevant information when a threat occurs.
“My guess is where these are failing, you’ll find threat teams that are meeting only when there’s an identified threat. Where they’re working, they’re meeting on a regular basis,” he said.
Many states have considered or passed legislation requiring schools to conduct threat assessments since the Parkland incident, though there is considerable variation in their policies.
Florida, Kentucky, Maryland, and Texas required all schools to begin it in the 2019-20 school year. Washington state schools will join them in 2020-21.
WEB ONLY
RELATED STORIES
- “More Schools Are Reporting Serious Violence and Hiring Police,” July 25, 2019.
- “What Schools Need to Know About Threat Assessment Techniques,” September 4, 2019.
- “School Shootings This Year: How Many and Where,” February 1, 2018.
RELATED OPINION
- “What School Shooters Have in Common,” October 9, 2019.
Thursday, November 7, 2019
Wednesday, November 6, 2019
Monday, November 4, 2019
Sunday, November 3, 2019
How Greenville County's public schools integrated peacefully in 1970
OPINION
How Greenville County's public schools integrated peacefully in 1970
Judith BainbridgePublished 12:58 p.m. ET Nov. 2, 2019
In 2020, Greenville will celebrate the 50th anniversary of public school integration.
Sixteen years after the Supreme Court unanimously declared in May 1954 that segregated schools were illegal, the School District of Greenville County, under court order, integrated in the middle of the 1969-1970 school year.
The result, if not entirely done with the “grace and style,” the phrase that has long been used to characterize Greenville’s effort, was achieved without the violence that characterized so many places, both North and South, and with quite remarkable community cohesion.
In May 1954, the Supreme Court unanimously ruled that segregated schools were unconstitutional. South Carolina responded with “massive resistance” to any attempt to change. The NAACP chose what its legal defense office considered less resistant states for the first efforts at desegregation.
They chose wrong. Beginning at Little Rock Central High School in Arkansas, the result was years of mob violence and hesitant federal response. In South Carolina, the Gressette Committee of legislators and gubernatorial appointees called for resistance to all attempts at integration by ending state support for desegregated schools, annual hiring of all teachers, eliminating school attendance laws, and prohibiting “forced busing” for integration.
Integration “with all deliberate speed,” mandated by the Court in 1955, was interpreted as meaning as slowly as possible by most white Southerners. While most Southern states erupted with violence in the face of court orders, South Carolina’s segregated schools were not challenged.
But when former NAACP chapter president A.J. Whittenberg visited all-white Anderson Street School in Greenville for a Democratic precinct meeting in 1962, he observed piles of new textbooks ready for students. He remembered the ragged textbooks, cast off from white schools, that his 11-year old daughter, Elaine used.
When she was assigned to Gower Street School for fall 1963, he requested that she be allowed to attend the far closer Anderson Street School.
Within two weeks, five other parents, including black Attorney Donald Sampson, also requested transfers into white schools for their children. It was the first challenge to South Carolina’s segregated system. The School District said no.
So the parents sued. Sampson, attorney Willie Smith, and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund attorneys filed a motion in Federal Court in September 1963. In February 1964, the District again denied Whittenberg’s request and did not acknowledge the others. In March, Federal District Judge Robert Martin allowed the inclusion of the other four children in the suit and gave the District a month to decide about the school placement of all five children.
In April 1964 School District officials yielded, announcing that that the students would be admitted to previously white schools. Then Judge Martin ordered the school district to accept all other black students who applied for the fall. He also ruled that this Freedom of Choice plan be given prominent publicity. NAACP attorneys immediately filed briefs arguing that “Freedom of Choice” was not integration.
In September 1964, 49 black students entered 15 all-white schools. By 1968, 460 black students had enrolled in Greenville schools, but only two teachers were placed in opposite race schools, and the dual system remained unchanged.
But then, in May 1968, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Green vs. New Kent County that most Freedom of Choice plans were inadequate because they did not lead to integration, and Greenville schools were again in the news.
The school board proposed a full integration plan in the summer 1969. Judge Martin agreed to the school board plan to integrate students, faculty, and buses in September 1970. But on Oct. 29, in a case from Mississippi, the Supreme Court ruled that integration should occur “at once.”
Less than two weeks later, Greenville black parents and their lawyers, together with the NAACP legal fund, appealed Martin’s September deadline to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. Attorneys asked the Fourth Circuit Court to order immediate desegregation of Darlington and Greenville districts based on U.S. Supreme Court ruling that “at once” means “right now.”
On Jan. 19, the Fourth Circuit court reversed Martin’s September deadline and ordered Darlington and Greenville districts to desegregate by Feb. 9. It would be difficult even after Judge Martin extended the deadline to Feb. 17.
With less than a month to make arrangements, the Greenville school district, with 58,000 students and 2,384 teachers, arranged to have approximately 80% white, 20% black students and teachers in each school. (Laurel, Donaldson, and Blythe elementary schools were not involved because they already had substantial numbers of black students.)
The improved plan created clusters, with grades 1-5 in white schools and 6th grade in black ones, and made Beck, a black high school, into a 7th and 8th grade school, with its students mostly transferred to J.L. Mann.
Three black elementary schools were closed, and Hattie Duckett elementary became a special education center. Two black high schools, Sterling and Lincoln, were allowed to continue to June graduation because most Sterling students would attend Southside High, due to open in September, when Lincoln would become a vocational/technical education center.
On Jan. 20, the Chamber of Commerce Human Relations Committee pleaded for volunteers. Response was immediate: 700 volunteers, including members of the Junior League, League of Women Voters, AAUW, and PTA councils, began working 9-hour stints at four newly installed school district telephones answering questions about the desegregation order.
Opposition continued. Nearly 3,000 people attended a meeting of Citizens for Freedom of Choice at Parker High School, launching an effort to get 100,000 signatures on a petition opposing integration. On Jan. 25, local politician Carroll Campbell led about 800 cars in a motorcade to Columbia to ask Gov. Robert McNair to stop Greenville “forced busing” for integration. Since busing was a service, not required, “forced busing” was a non-issue.
Interestingly, Greenville’s new federal building will be named for Campbell. He may be the only non-lawyer or judge in the nation to be so honored; he will certainly be the only person so honored who requested that a governor not comply with a Supreme Court decision.
On Jan. 30, school trustees appointed a 30-member biracial Citizens Committee, headed by Furman Professor Ernie Harrill, to coordinate volunteers. Eventually more than 3,000 Greenvillians responded.
The Business and Industry Council raised $3,000 from local companies that allowed Publicity Committee Chair Doug Smith of WFBC to organize speeches, radio, television, school poster contests, and buttons supporting schools and proclaiming that “Education is the Important Thing.
On Friday, Feb. 13, Mayor Cooper White (whose three children were in public school) invited every minister in Greenville County to lunch and asked them to preach Sunday about obeying the law. Schools ended at 1 p.m. that day to begin the move.
Over the weekend, 103 schools prepared for integration; hundreds of books, desks, and supplies were shifted; bus routes (the district had purchased 20 new buses) were finalized; and plans for greeting new students and teachers confirmed.
On Tuesday morning, Feb. 17, Greenville desegregated its schools. While a few mothers picketed at Armstrong and Arrington Elementary Schools and buses ran a bit late, the move, thanks to community involvement, was remarkably smooth. On CBS that night, Walter Cronkite announced that Greenville had integrated “with grace and style.”
But that’s certainly not the end of the story. The following November, three days of intermittent fighting between black and white students at local high schools and shots fired at security guards led to the calling up (but not deploying) of the National Guard.. More than 350 students, most of them black, were suspended.
Black students complained about the playing of “Dixie” at football games, lack of black studies classes, and concerns about black student participation in activities, including sports. Local media blamed “outside agitators,” and U.S. News & World Report commented that “Greenville has “lost its luster.”
But the school district's new superintendent, Floyd Hall, responded positively to the problems. No students were expelled (although some were moved to new schools.) Hall appointed black and white “ombudsmen” for schools to help settle students and douse rumors. Substantial funds were made available for black history and art materials and black visiting artists, thanks to a $369,000 federal grant to support integration efforts.
In May 1971, an article in the Christian Science Monitor was headlined “Greenville Regains its Luster.”
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